From the Right

/

Politics

Trump's Fear Factor

By Rich Lowry on

If they have any instinct for self-preservation, Iran and Hamas should be monitoring President-Elect Donald Trump's communications closely these days.

A couple of weeks ago, there was the Truth Social post promising "ALL HELL TO PAY" if Hamas didn't release its hostages by Trump's inauguration on Jan. 20.

"Those responsible," Trump noted, "will be hit harder than anybody has been hit in the long and storied History of the United States of America."

He followed up during a press conference Monday. When asked what he meant by his prior threat, Trump left it menacingly vague. "Well," he said, referring to our adversaries, "they're going to have to determine what that means, but it means it won't be pleasant. It's not going to be pleasant."

What does that signify? Does Trump have something in particular in mind, or is he making it up as he goes along? Is he bluffing? Or is he deadly earnest?

No one has come up with a Trump Doctrine yet, but a candidate might be: Find out if I'm serious or not at your own risk.

The most basic thing to note about Trump's threat, though, is that it is the first time an official of the U.S. government -- or a soon-to-be government official -- has sounded appropriately outraged and harsh about an ongoing crime perpetrated against our fellow citizens.

Trump's "hell to pay" is a throwback to Andrew Jackson or Teddy Roosevelt, making it clear that we aren't to be trifled with, and doing it in a clarion tone.

It's been shocking how muted the Biden administration has been about the hostages. Whereas Trump is expressing a righteous indignation in thunderous terms, the Biden administration has spoken as compellingly as a deputy Secretary of State summarizing the notes of a three-hour-long committee meeting.

This kind of jawboning comes naturally to Trump, of course. His approach doesn't represent any particular foreign-policy theory. It's not realist, or neocon, or isolationist. It's less Clausewitz's "On War" or Thomas Schelling's "The Strategy of Conflict," than Trump's "Art of the Deal."

The famous British line is that the Battle of Waterloo was won on the playing fields of Eton; in the same sense, every successful Trump negotiation as president has been won on the playing fields of Manhattan real estate, where Trump first learned his distinctive mode of gaining leverage and psychological advantage.

 

His willingness to escalate and follow through means no threat can be completely discounted, while his sheer unpredictably adds to the difficulty of any foreign actor trying to calculate his next move.

To the famous Machiavellian axiom "It's better to be feared than to be loved," Trump adds the proviso, "and it's best to keep them guessing, either way."

This couldn't be in starker contrast to Joe Biden, who always fears escalation and is predictably conventional to the point of being sodden and dull.

Trump is what they call in poker a "loose aggressive player," whereas Biden plays measured games of bridge over tea and crumpets.

The president-elect doesn't like foreign conflict, but he bombed ISIS to smithereens as promised in 2016 and killed the top Iranian intelligence official, Qasem Soleimani, without hesitation in 2020. The safest default is to take him at his word, even if you only -- in Trump's words about a threat he says he made to Vladimir Putin in his first term -- believe him "ten percent."

With an eye to the imminent arrival of Trump, there is a chance that Hamas cuts a deal over the hostages in coming weeks, the same way Iran released the captives from the U.S. Embassy in 1980 just as Ronald Reagan was taking office.

Regardless of how it plays out, we are already re-entering a period when enemies of the United States have to be scared or nervous, not knowing how far they can push us, or what will happen if they do. And that's exactly where Donald Trump wants them.

========

(Rich Lowry is on Twitter @RichLowry)

(c) 2024 by King Features Syndicate


 

Comments

blog comments powered by Disqus

 

Related Channels

Armstrong Williams

Armstrong Williams

By Armstrong Williams
Austin Bay

Austin Bay

By Austin Bay
Ben Shapiro

Ben Shapiro

By Ben Shapiro
Betsy McCaughey

Betsy McCaughey

By Betsy McCaughey
Cal Thomas

Cal Thomas

By Cal Thomas
Christine Flowers

Christine Flowers

By Christine Flowers
David Harsanyi

David Harsanyi

By David Harsanyi
Debra Saunders

Debra Saunders

By Debra Saunders
Dennis Prager

Dennis Prager

By Dennis Prager
Erick Erickson

Erick Erickson

By Erick Erickson
John Stossel

John Stossel

By John Stossel
Josh Hammer

Josh Hammer

By Josh Hammer
Judge Andrew Napolitano

Judge Andrew Napolitano

By Judge Andrew P. Napolitano
Laura Hollis

Laura Hollis

By Laura Hollis
Michael Barone

Michael Barone

By Michael Barone
Michael Reagan

Michael Reagan

By Michael Reagan
Mona Charen

Mona Charen

By Mona Charen
Oliver North and David L. Goetsch

Oliver North and David L. Goetsch

By Oliver North and David L. Goetsch
R. Emmett Tyrrell

R. Emmett Tyrrell

By R. Emmett Tyrrell
Rachel Marsden

Rachel Marsden

By Rachel Marsden
Ruben Navarrett Jr

Ruben Navarrett Jr

By Ruben Navarrett Jr.
S.E. Cupp

S.E. Cupp

By S.E. Cupp
Salena Zito

Salena Zito

By Salena Zito
Star Parker

Star Parker

By Star Parker
Stephen Moore

Stephen Moore

By Stephen Moore
Terence P. Jeffrey

Terence P. Jeffrey

By Terence P. Jeffrey
Tim Graham

Tim Graham

By Tim Graham
Veronique de Rugy

Veronique de Rugy

By Veronique de Rugy
Victor Joecks

Victor Joecks

By Victor Joecks
Wayne Allyn Root

Wayne Allyn Root

By Wayne Allyn Root

Comics

Steve Kelley Darrin Bell Dave Whamond Chip Bok A.F. Branco Andy Marlette